Left wing market anarchism.
Jo Labadie was a prominent labor organizer and mutualist whose vast collection of anarchist and socialist texts became the seed of the Labadie collection at the University of Michigan.
An old mutualist zine from many decades ago.
But if both facets of our understanding of the present system (that corporate capitalism is exploitative; and that its exploitation depends solely on the state) were sincerely held by libertarians of left and right, it could serve as the basis for an alliance against state capitalism. The Left must be made to understand that their proper grievance is not against private property (properly understood), or markets (in the sense of free exchange between equal, unprivileged producers), but with the state. The Right must be made to understand the extent to which Wal-Mart, Microsoft, and GM are parasitic outgrowths of the state, and not products of “good old American know-how” or “elbow grease.” If both sides are sincerely motivated primarily by an oppostion to statist coercion, rather than a reflexive sympathy for big business or aversion to market exchange, the potential exists for coexistence on the basis of something like Voltairine de Cleyre’s “anarchism without adjectives.
Historically, the village commune and open field system were, almost universally, the dominant property model in societies which, so far in human history, came closest to approximating the libertarian ideal of statelessness and voluntary association: the neolithic village societies between the agricultural revolution and the rise of the state..
As small businesses close their doors and corporations lay off thousands, the unemployed will of necessity shift their focus from finding a new formal job to fashioning new livelihoods...
The essay, not the book.
In healthcare, subsidies to the most costly and high-tech forms of medicine crowd out cheaper and decentralized alternatives, so that cheaper forms of treatment--even when perfectly adequate from the consumer's standpoint--become less and less available. There are powerful institutional pressures for ever more radical monopoly. At the commanding heights of the centralized state and centralized corporate economy--so interlocked as to be barely distinguishable--problems are analyzed and solutions prescribed from the perspective of those who benefit from radical monopoly.
The current economic crisis is not a cyclical downturn but a permanent structural shift -- away from the state-subsidized Sloanist mass production and towards an economy of relocalized manufacturing.
Two market anarchists, Rosa and Voltairine, write a hypothetical dialogue around markets and the use of 'capitalist' as an accusation for their beliefs.
How were existing institutional interests able to thwart the revolutionary potential of electrical power, and diverty neotechnic technologies into paleotechnic channels?
William Batchelder Greene was born in 1819, in the northeastern Massachusetts town of Haverhill, the son of poet, publisher, and Boston Postmaster Nathaniel Greene. A free-market libertarian and individualist anarchist, he was a member of the socialist First International and shaped/launched 'mutualism' with Proudhon.
Past examples and current experiments in creating resilient local communities are especially promising building blocks for a post-corporate society.
Benjamin R. Tucker was born in Massachusetts in 1854, educated in a Quaker school, and raised in the radical intellectual environment of the Boston area at the time. He found himself drawn into anarchism as a young man and became a journalist and editor. After working for just over a decade at the Boston Daily Globe, he founded the journal Liberty, which became one of the most prominent outlets for anarchism in the Gilded Age.
As surprising as it might seem, there’s a strong parallel between this free market vision of abundance and the Marxist vision of full communism... Much as capitalist production started out in tiny islands inside the larger feudal economy and later became the core of a new, dominant social formation, commons-based peer production is the core around which the post-capitalist economy will eventually crystallize.
Part of the longer Mutualist FAQ
Corporate Capitalism as a State-Guaranteed System of Privilege
How then are things connected and engendered? How are beings produced and how do they disappear? How is society and nature transformed? This is the sole object of science. The notion of Progress, carried into all spheres of consciousness and understanding, becoming the basis of practical and speculative reason, must renew the entire system of human knowledge, purge the mind of its last prejudices, replace the constitutions and catechisms in social relations, teach to man all that he can legitimately know, do, hope and fear: the value of his ideas, the definition of his rights, the rule of his actions, the purpose of his existence. The theory of Progress is the railway of liberty.
Here Proudhon presents his critical remarks against the positions of state socialists, like Louis Blanc and Pierre Leroux, who were under the illusion that the State-Master can be magically transformed by them into the State-Servant, at the service of all the people.
Born into poverty and plagued by it her entire life, educated by nuns in a convent school, chronically ill, the survivor of a nearly successful assassination attempt, and dead at a tragically early age, Voltairine de Cleyre doesn't seem a likely candidate to become what Paul Avrich called 'a greater literary talent than any other American anarchist.' But de Cleyre was undeniably one of the most important anarchist thinkers in the US or any other country. Greatly admired by her contemporaries for her brilliant writing and tireless schedule of public speaking, her ability to approach the most complex issues with a mixture of common sense, passion, and clarity makes her works as relevant today as they were a century ago.
Progressive intellectuals have become attached to the fortunes of the large bureaucratic organization in the same way that the politiques were attached to the court of the Sun King.
From The General Idea Of Revolution.
The problem is compounded by the fact that both advocates of degrowth and its ecomodernist critics often fail to clearly define, in the course of debate, just what they mean respectively by the terms “growth” and “degrowth.” It’s easier by far to pick up on what emotional associations those terms carry for them.
An introduction to mutualism from the 1920s