Theory is the set of lenses through which inter-dependent systems of principles and methods explain observations and guide actions.
Bill Dwyer, Editor of the British journal Anarchy, commissioned the essay in 1971, but it was delayed.
Freed-market advocates should embrace “anti-capitalism” in order to encapsulate and highlight their full-blown commitment to freedom and their rejection of phony alternatives that use talk of freedom to conceal acquiescence in exclusion, subordination, and deprivation.
Chomsky's Augustinian Anarchism and Chomsky's Statism
An argument against 'libertarian' defenders of borders.
An introduction to the class theory of Sam Konkin
Violence may in fact be justified to save net lives in a pandemic. For example using force to stop likely carriers from irresponsibly entering dense populations makes sense, especially early on when containment is still plausible. Many people are not, by default, altruistic. And the mere abolition of nations and states would not be the victory of anarchism. A significant percentage of the population are selfish pricks, pickled in the zero-sum perspective of power. In a pandemic one asshole can kill thousands. Violence can clearly be justified to curtail such actions. But when and if such situations arise in a free society it is unlikely to look anything like the violence of the state.
Also containing a rebuttal to Christopher Cantwell long before he became known internationally as the Crying Nazi.
Such an anarchism is an unraveling of the very fabric of power relations that bind almost every society on earth. And critically: there is no scale at which it does not apply. That big showy tangles of power must also be dissolved is but a trivial ramification, it is no more representative of the anarchist break than any other shift or twist in the fabric of power relations. Nor can our break be characterized by a brief or local loosening of the weave. The break anarchism signifies is not with the particularities of the west, or of civilization, it goes far far deeper than that.
But if both facets of our understanding of the present system (that corporate capitalism is exploitative; and that its exploitation depends solely on the state) were sincerely held by libertarians of left and right, it could serve as the basis for an alliance against state capitalism. The Left must be made to understand that their proper grievance is not against private property (properly understood), or markets (in the sense of free exchange between equal, unprivileged producers), but with the state. The Right must be made to understand the extent to which Wal-Mart, Microsoft, and GM are parasitic outgrowths of the state, and not products of “good old American know-how” or “elbow grease.” If both sides are sincerely motivated primarily by an oppostion to statist coercion, rather than a reflexive sympathy for big business or aversion to market exchange, the potential exists for coexistence on the basis of something like Voltairine de Cleyre’s “anarchism without adjectives.
If the goal is to maximize liberty and secure the welfare of all individuals, then building autonomy is the way to get there. If the goal is to subject people to the control of more local elites and limit their access to vital resources and connections, then secession can get there.
Or how an argument against the workability of authoritarian socialism became an argument against the workability of capitalism.
Named in a play on the situationist film, this Yale paper reviews the potency of austrian anaylsis.
Historically, the village commune and open field system were, almost universally, the dominant property model in societies which, so far in human history, came closest to approximating the libertarian ideal of statelessness and voluntary association: the neolithic village societies between the agricultural revolution and the rise of the state..
An introduction to crypto anarchy
A critical examination of David Graeber’s book 'Debt: The First 5000 Years'
As small businesses close their doors and corporations lay off thousands, the unemployed will of necessity shift their focus from finding a new formal job to fashioning new livelihoods...
The article that started the socialist calculation debate.
The essay, not the book.
Green Market Agorism... White Market Agorism... Entrepeneurs and the Lumpenproletariat: Comparing Agorism and Illegalism... Agorism vs Ethical Consumerism: What's Worth Your Money... Towards an Agorist-Syndicalist Alliance.
Doublesided zine with two articles.
In healthcare, subsidies to the most costly and high-tech forms of medicine crowd out cheaper and decentralized alternatives, so that cheaper forms of treatment--even when perfectly adequate from the consumer's standpoint--become less and less available. There are powerful institutional pressures for ever more radical monopoly. At the commanding heights of the centralized state and centralized corporate economy--so interlocked as to be barely distinguishable--problems are analyzed and solutions prescribed from the perspective of those who benefit from radical monopoly.
This essay on the foundations of the authority of the state marks a stage in the development of concern with problems of political authority and moral autonomy.
This classic pamphlet from the Boston Anarchist Drinking Brigade in the 90s combines a primer on the individualist tradition and an extensive bibliography.
Today’s neoreactionaries fetishize the notion of “exit” from a society, playing the “if things get bad enough you can always just leave” card, and many anarchists advocating strong and persistent collective bodies have the same flippancy to concerns about what to do if things start to go bad in their utopias. But not only is such “exit” all or nothing, it implicitly accepts the legitimacy of those collective entities, or at least certain “democratic processes” for appealing against capricious or oppressive collective edicts. But why should you have to leave? They’re the assholes. Similarly if there are just a few things going wrong in ways unfixable through the collective process, why should you have no choice besides tolerance or total cataclysmic revolution?
The current economic crisis is not a cyclical downturn but a permanent structural shift -- away from the state-subsidized Sloanist mass production and towards an economy of relocalized manufacturing.
An introduction to Market Anarchism, a theory of exchange based on individual agency and interaction rather than socio-economic privilege.
How were existing institutional interests able to thwart the revolutionary potential of electrical power, and diverty neotechnic technologies into paleotechnic channels?
Protect migrants and undocumented people from the U.S. gestapo of Border Patrol and ICE. When you run across those who wear rifles to enforce borders, treat them as terrorists and, if we have a future, it will look kindly on you.
While the border is, has been, and hopefully always will be an impossibility, a fiction imposed by state planners on a world much too resistant and messy to be divided in these ways, it is also a key site where the state struggles to impose a particular version of order. It is crucial that we work to undermine both these physical borders and the logics that underpin them.
A radical abolitionist who struggled against slavery, early anarchist and defender of the Haymarket Martyrs, Spooner was horrified by the civil war, which he saw as not being prosecuted in the service of abolishing slavery. From his perspective that the US could ever permit slavery permanently voided the legitimacy of its laws.
The market and the assignment of property titles within it is a garden we grow. A tool. Just like consensus process or breaking out into working groups. Like any means of organization we should not fetishize it. It is an extraordinarily useful and necessary tool, but just like any procedure we might adopt it is not a god. And its precise happenstance structure is surely not foundational to our ethics.
It's one thing to 'organize,' it's another to form an organization. For over a decade, post-leftists have criticized the organization in unflinching terms. The response has been muted. Everyone knows organizations are problematic, but nowhere are the terms clear. In this essay, William Gillis breaks down the often unspoken utility of organizations, their inherent nature, as well as their dangers and limitations.
Proudhon's libertarian thought and the anarchist movement
'Framing Left Libertarianism: A First Pass', 'The Left in Left Libertarian', 'Socialism' for Left Liberty', 'Socialism Revisited','State Socialism and Anarchism: How Far They Agree and Wherein They Differ Regarding Health-Care Reform'
Past examples and current experiments in creating resilient local communities are especially promising building blocks for a post-corporate society.
Benjamin R. Tucker was born in Massachusetts in 1854, educated in a Quaker school, and raised in the radical intellectual environment of the Boston area at the time. He found himself drawn into anarchism as a young man and became a journalist and editor. After working for just over a decade at the Boston Daily Globe, he founded the journal Liberty, which became one of the most prominent outlets for anarchism in the Gilded Age.
As surprising as it might seem, there’s a strong parallel between this free market vision of abundance and the Marxist vision of full communism... Much as capitalist production started out in tiny islands inside the larger feudal economy and later became the core of a new, dominant social formation, commons-based peer production is the core around which the post-capitalist economy will eventually crystallize.
To stop the economic crises and injustices that are to flow naturally from the new enclosure that is intellectual property, we must have due regard for what it truly is, rejecting the artifice of legitimacy that has been erected around it. It is, for lack of a better or more accurate term, a bogus property right, based not on any sound, philosophical standard, but on the need for capital to remain the middleman in every exchange. The notion that some people ought to own, for instance, software code that directs particular undertakings is as facially absurd as the idea that the men who discovered subatomic particles ought to own them.
How then are things connected and engendered? How are beings produced and how do they disappear? How is society and nature transformed? This is the sole object of science. The notion of Progress, carried into all spheres of consciousness and understanding, becoming the basis of practical and speculative reason, must renew the entire system of human knowledge, purge the mind of its last prejudices, replace the constitutions and catechisms in social relations, teach to man all that he can legitimately know, do, hope and fear: the value of his ideas, the definition of his rights, the rule of his actions, the purpose of his existence. The theory of Progress is the railway of liberty.
La Boétie's writings include a few sonnets, translations from the classics and an essay attacking absolute monarchy and tyranny in general, Discours de la servitude volontaire ou le Contr'un (Discourse on Voluntary Servitude, or the Anti-Dictator). The essay asserts that tyrants have power because the people give it to them.
Here Proudhon presents his critical remarks against the positions of state socialists, like Louis Blanc and Pierre Leroux, who were under the illusion that the State-Master can be magically transformed by them into the State-Servant, at the service of all the people.
Progressive intellectuals have become attached to the fortunes of the large bureaucratic organization in the same way that the politiques were attached to the court of the Sun King.
The problem is compounded by the fact that both advocates of degrowth and its ecomodernist critics often fail to clearly define, in the course of debate, just what they mean respectively by the terms “growth” and “degrowth.” It’s easier by far to pick up on what emotional associations those terms carry for them.
An introduction to mutualism from the 1920s
Somebody gets the surplus wealth that labor produces and does not consume. Who is the Somebody?
Anarchism is not and has never been a proclamation that if we overthrow a given state — wherever the extent of that state is to be drawn — utopia will immediately result. Anarchism is not a claim about 'human nature' or a simplistic reflex of negation. Anarchism is daring to see beyond the suffocating language of power.